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The NY Times’s blog Room for Debate published a series of short pieces yesterday on the controversy surrounding the announcement of the approval of 1,600 new building units in the East Jerusalem neighborhood of Ramat Schlomo, to which I contributed, alongside Aaron David Miller, Daoud Kuttub, Daniel Gordis, and other experts on the region. A snippet of my thoughts on the subject follow, with a link to the blog, where you can find our collective input.

While critics insist the move by Netanyahu was deliberately aimed at angering the Obama administration and doubt that Netanyahu was blindsided as he insists, such an accusation seems unlikely to be true.

It was widely known that the Biden mission was a fence-mending visit designed to improve U.S.-Israel relations after a period of friction in bilateral ties during the past year. Indeed, until the incident, Biden’s comments have been pitch perfect for Israeli ears. His trip was intended to assure Israeli concerns about U.S. commitment to their security…

…two lessons must be learned from this incident. It is the second time that the prime minister of Israel claims to have been blindsided by his own bureaucracy. The first time was last November, a week after Netanyahu had what he has called his best meeting with Obama, in which no aides were present. At the time, it was announced that 900 housing units would be built in the Gilo neighborhood of East (actually southern) Jerusalem.


To read the full piece, click here
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The following is David’s written testimony presented to the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations’ panel entitled “Middle East Peace: Ground Truths, Challenges Ahead” on March 4th, 2010. More information on the panel, and the testimonies of David’s co-witnesses – Ambassador Daniel Kurtzer, Robert Malley, and Ziad Asali – can be found by clicking here.

Testimony of David Makovsky before the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations

Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Lugar, and Distinguished Members of the Committee:

Thank you for the opportunity to appear before this Committee this morning to discuss a subject whose future holds great importance for U.S. foreign policy.

To date, the Israeli-Palestinian issue has not worked out as the Obama Administration had hoped. The picture is mixed. While the developments on the ground in the West Bank have shown promise and hope, the top-down political negotiations have not only made little progress, but have even regressed. We have gone from a point where Israeli Prime Minister Olmert and Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas were at advanced stages of negotiations, to a point where there have been no negotiations at all between the parties for nearly a year. There may be several reasons for this, yet as President Obama himself has publicly admitted, it is due in no small measure to an early miscalculation by Washington that triggered a series of events and expectations that could not be overcome during the Administration‟s first year.

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Obama and Netanyahu: Lessons of 2009
by David Makovsky

WASHINGTON – The announcement of a moratorium on building in the settlements ends the first chapter of U.S.-Israel relations during the Obama era. There are lessons for all.

The move by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is clearly a bid to improve U.S.-Israel relations as much as it is an effort to restart negotiations with the Palestinians. It may also be a counterbalance toward Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, against a potential prisoner swap with Hamas for Gilad Shalit.

Much of this year has been defined by the friction over settlements, which have cast a shadow. The Obama administration feels it does not always receive credit from Israel regarding close bilateral consultations on a range of issues including the Iranian nuclear threat, the Operation Juniper Cobra military exercise and the Goldstone report.

There were profound implications for the United States in setting the bar high on the settlement issue by calling for a construction freeze rather than merely no outward expansion of settlements. One lesson is that even if the Israeli opposition cannot say “yes” to Barack Obama, the United States has lost mainstream Israelis.

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David yesterday published an opinion piece entitled “Different Perspectives” analyzing the potential prisoner swap deal for Gilad Shalit in the New York Times’ opinion blog “Room for Debate”, alongside Op-Ed articles by Daniel Gordis, Daoud Kuttab, and others.

Different Perspectives
David Makovsky

With the help of German and Egyptian mediation, Israel and Hamas are trying to broker a deal that would end the 3 1/2-year captivity of Gilad Shalit, reportedly in return for the release of hundreds of Palestinian prisoners. In Israel, there are four different clusters of policymakers weighing the move. Their interests may vary, even though outwardly they will present a united front.

The first group is the cabinet. These are politicians who have born the brunt of the public campaign urging that anything and everything be done to ensure Sergeant Shalit’s release. This public campaign for one soldier’s release has been huge, which is not surprising in a small country where army service is compulsory and many parents feel that it could have just as easily been their son captured. Thus, these elected politicians will support a deal for Sergeant Shalit, as they tend to be the most sensitive to public opinion and will put a premium on the political windfall that could accrue to them.

To read the whole piece, alongside other commentary on the Shalit prisoner exchange, click here

David’s latest Op-Ed on the challenges Hamas poses to peace between Israel and the Palestinians:

The Palestinians’ spoiler
http://www.haaretz.co.il/hasen/pages/ShArtStEngPE.jhtml?itemNo=1123062&contrassID=2&subContrassID=4&title=%27The%20Palestinians%27%20spoiler%20%27&dyn_server=172.20.5.5.

Advocates for engaging Hamas often argue that if the group is given a stake in the creation of an independent Palestine by being included in peace negotiations, it will moderate its positions. This co-optation argument is based on the misguided assumption that Hamas is a pragmatic nationalistic movement, motivated primarily by calculations of how to gain power.

However, Hamas is ideologically motivated, and misunderstanding its worldview is damaging. The growing Islamification of Gaza is only one example of Hamas’ persistent allegiance to its ideological underpinnings, which it has shown no signs of abandoning. Hamas’ ideology is rooted in the philosophy of its parent movement, the Muslim Brotherhood.

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How Obama Could Earn His Nobel Prize
By Joe Klein
October 15th, 2009

The Nobel Peace Prize, presented prospectively — a triumph of hope over inexperience — threatens to become a central metaphor of Barack Obama’s turbocharged political career. He seems fated to be feted for who he is not (George W. Bush) and who he might turn out to be, but not for things he has actually done. This is dangerous stuff, politically. It almost guarantees disappointment. So the prize presents him with an immediate challenge: How does he go about actually earning it? The foreign policy that Obama favors, patient diplomacy on a multitude of fronts, requires qualities of wisdom, horse-trading and fortitude that we can’t yet be sure he possesses. Nor does it lend itself to high drama; it is more often about the slow reduction of tensions, or the creative stalemate that prevents things from getting worse, than about Nixon going to China.

Click here to read the full story.

The American University website put up a summary of David’s September 16th talk with Hisham Melham at AU’s Center for Israeli Studies. Hisham and David discussed not only Myths, Illusions, & Peace, but also a wide range of Middle Eastern topics. Here’s a quote from the summary:

Responding to probing and nuanced questions from Melham, the Washington bureau chief for Al Arabiya who was the first person to interview President Obama after his inauguration, Makovsky discussed his new book, Myths, Illusions, and Peace: Finding a New Direction for America in the Middle East.

“People look at the Middle East from 50,000 feet in the air,” said Makovsky, Ziegler Distinguished Fellow of the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. “From 50,000 feet, everything looks very clear. The realists tend to say, ‘Just impose peace.’ The neoconservatives say, ‘Just impose democracy.’ We think there are a lot of maladies and dysfunctions in the Middle East that have nothing to do with the Arab-Israeli conflict. We don’t deny that this issue is evocative; we just have our doubts that it will solve the other conflicts. Will it have side benefits? Yes, but the Iran nuclear ascendance will retain its power, the sectarian problems in Iraq will continue. We shouldn’t oversell it.”

To read the entire piece, click here.

What Shapes Sanctions
Our next Iran policy emerges.

By David Makovsky

The announcement that Iran has been constructing a covert facility to enrich nuclear fuel for the last few years without notifying the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) raises the stakes for the upcoming October 1 meeting of six leading countries with Iran. The underground facility is located on an Iranian Revolutionary Guard base outside the religious city of Qom.


To read the full article click here

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